Part III: Hope Died

The final aspect of the riots that I wanted to research was the relationship between Baltimore's black and white residents. Specifically, I wanted to understand how the political climate of Baltimore contributed to the conflicts, and offer a critique of the city leadership. While researching I found a report entitled “Baltimore Civil Disorder”, written by Jane Motz on behalf of the American Friends Service Committee. The report was filed in April of 1968, which meant it was released immediately following the riots. Reading through the report was like getting a front row seat to the tensions that held Baltimore in its grip. The report was only available in PDF format, so I would like to quote a few sections that grabbed my attention.

First, who was the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC Website)? The AFSC was founded in 1917, by the Quakers to provide conscientious objectors an alternative to fighting in war and instead provide services for troops and victims of World War I. Following the war the AFSC expanded their network internationally providing services in war torn countries, and evolved into an advocate for people that are victims of injustice. In 1947 the organization was recognized for their commitment to peace, and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The assessment given in this report was by far the most balanced audit I discovered while researching, especially when compared to the reports published by government agencies.

The first line of the report states, “The coming of violence to Baltimore's ghetto in 1968 was no surprise” (1). In this statement the author is alluding to the warnings given by black leaders to the white political establishment, about the condition of housing, employment, and social inequalities that engulfed urban communities. For years Civil Rights leaders marched, held sit-ins, picketed, and fought to ensure equality for all Americans. But progress came slowly, and even with the passage of legislation aimed at addressing discrimination and segregation. The relationship between blacks and whites grew increasingly volatile, and the signs of tension could be seen throughout the community.

Motz also wrote, “The disorders were expected to break out in Baltimore's hot steamy midsummer. They occurred much earlier, when the assassination of Martin Luther King gave rise to a great outpouring of emotion in Baltimore” (1). If her assessment was correct, what steps were being taken to address the cause of the frustrations within black communities? If politicians, civil leaders, and your average citizen recognized that the situation that was growing in black communities would eventually lead to violence. Where was the sense of urgency to avert this disaster? If we look at the federal response to the riots, we see a dedicated effort to suppress any movement that appeared to build solidarity within the black community. Thus the strategy to destroy the militant black power movement was initiated. But why was this response necessary? Once we acknowledge that the militant movements were only necessary because of the unsuccessful Federal response to issues that confronted this nation, and societies unwillingness to confront prejudice, white supremacy, and inequality. How could the black empowerment movement which originated as a response to an intolerant society, end up being the scapegoat for a governmental campaign? If there was no legitimacy to the claims of militant leaders like Stokely Carmichael and Huey Newton, then why do many of the arguments they raised still hold black and poor communities hostage today? While many people point to Dr. King's death as the catalyst for the Baltimore riots, had his assassination never taken place there was strong possibility there was going to be some form of insurrection.

In her closing thought Jane Motz address the disconnects that existed between the realities of life within the Black community, and the perceptions held by the white policy makers. “There is here, however, the danger that official programs will be continued in a way that produces self delusion on the part of the city, state, and federal officials who are convinced in their own minds that a lot is being done to help inner city residents. Their convictions that this is so is often reflected in the general white community by the feeling that so much is being done that it merely coddles black people and encourages self indulgence and even riots. Aside from the profound fact that most of the new programs aimed at correcting city ills have never had adequate funds, the most important missing ingredient, in our view, is the way these programs elude real citizen control even though they all claim to have this as a major operating feature. (35)”

I'm not sure how many people read this report when it was initially published, but Jane Motz put the issues in perspective. Baltimore communities still struggle under the weight of underfunded social programs, which is gets worse with every successive generation. Political representation is no longer limited by race, but class largely determines ones ability to run for public office. And those that have been disenfranchised are still expected to “pull themselves up by their bootstraps”, when decisions made on their behalf by individuals outside their community stop them from progressing. Some forty years later, the evaluation conducted by Jane Motz rings true.

In retrospect the 68 Riots appears to have been a symptom of damaged country, and many of the problems that existed in 68 still impact urban communities today. Four hundred years from now when future generations study these events, hopefully they will only represent the dark part of our city's history. Hopefully, the city they inherit will be a place where the wounds of prejudice and racism have healed. Hopefully, they can look at these events and learn from our mistakes.

Part II: Jim Crow Employment

Writers Stetson Kennedy & Elizabeth Gardner, in the February 11th 1950 edition of the Afro-American Newspaper wrote, “If you are a native-born Protestant Gentile, you are not likely to be denied a job or promotion because of your race, religion or national origin. On the other hand, if your lack one or more of these “qualifications,” you will encounter discrimination's and special hardships because of your race, religion or national origin”. This honest assessment of the employment prospects for non-whites during the 1950's, provided another perspective on an issue that was cited by many rioters as motivation factor. This article was interesting because, it gave a first hand perspective of the types of employment discrimination that were prevalent during that era.
It was not a posthumous analysis by a historian, but a view of the situation from someone who lived through the period.

My analysis will focus on the article entitled “Jim Crow Guide to USA”, specifically the practice of prejudicial hiring and the impact of migrant workers. Hopefully, this examination will enable us to gather additional insights about the role employment played in inciting the rioters in 1968. The section of the article I would like to focus on is entitled “Last Hired, First Fired”. This title is alluding to the experience of black Americans who were often passed over by employers, to fill positions that were reserved for whites only. In instances when all other possibilities have been exhausted, black Americans considered for positions within the organization. But their employment was never secure because, whenever staff reductions were necessary black were generally the first to be let go.

Authors Kennedy and Gardner, cite the employment discrepancy that were found as a result of the 1940 U.S. Census and national employment numbers. Those statistics revealed there was a growing discrepancy between black and white employment levels over the last decade (1940's), which was significant because that decade was marked by prosperity due to booming war industries. The data indicated that by 1947, 6% of the black work force was unemployed, compared to the 2% of the white workforce. In retrospect this inequality should have never existed, simply because manufacturing companies during the 1940's had needed as many workers as possible to fulfill military equipment orders. This should have been a time when every available American was employed in supporting the war efforts, but instead the statistics gives us another picture. In-spite of the availability of openings in busy manufacturing companies, blacks were unable to translate those opportunities into longterm employment.



(The short video above is about A. Philip Randolph, who was a civil rights pioneer. Randolph was the first civil rights leader to plan a march on Washington. The march was planned in response to racial discrimination in war industries, and for the desegregation of the Armed Forces.)

John R. Breihan, in From Mobtown to Charm City, discusses the employment challenges faced by Baltimore's black residents during this this era. Breihan recounts the experience of African Americans at the Glenn Martin Aircraft Company (GMAC). Who despite a shortage of workers refused to hire black employees to fill empty positions, but instead filled them with white migrant workers from southern states. In another instance GMAC “laid off all but thirteen of its three thousands black workers” (188), in order to hire white union workers to replace the black staff. From the perspective of a black city resident who were willing to work, those experience must have done tremendous damage to their hopes for equality.

Not being able to capitalize on the workers shortage sent a clear message to black community; you are not wanted. This message would be heard whenever black men and women were denied job applications because of their skin color. The message would be heard every time a black worker read the sign on the bathroom door saying; “Whites only”. The message would resound throughout deteriorating black communities, when white only communities were built for migrant factory workers. That message would provide a rallying point for the black community; self determination and perseverance would bring about change. But that message would also contribute to a movement within the community, that could only be expressed through destruction. No matter how many laws were passed to abolish prejudice, or non-violent marches that were held to highlight the problems. The experience of Baltimore's black community validated the theory by Stetson Kennedy & Elizabeth Gardner, unless you were a “native born protestant” you would face employment discrimination.

(Images used courtesy of Google Images)

Part I: A Piece of the Dream

One question has haunted me throughout the entire research process. Could I comprehend the complexity of the issues that led to Baltimore riots in 1968, and how those riots shaped the lives of Baltimore residents. Quickly, I came to the realization that whatever caused the riots were not unique to Baltimore, because cities like Detroit, and Washington D.C. had riots also. As I read through articles and books on the riots a trend emerged; urban cities across the nation struggled to address the growing problems in their urban centers. So the tile of this section is my attempt to frame the riots in Baltimore as less of local problem, and view it as a part of a broader national problem. I suggest that a failure to address employment discrimination, inadequate housing, and unhealthy race relations led to the riots of 1968. Ultimately the question would be, could America deal with the racial issues that threatened to split the nation from within?

For Americans the prospect of home ownership signals the attainment of a piece of the American dream. For many of Baltimore's black residents during the 1960's, this dreams never came to fruition. When assessing the underlying factors that led to the riots, it would be beneficial to analyze the housing conditions of blacks in Baltimore. Once we understand the housing conditions, we can use that insight to understand one of primary factors that drove Baltimore's black community to the streets in revolt.

Much like other metropolitan cities, Baltimore struggled to keep pace with the growing housing demands of its citizens. Those that were impacted the most were the city's poor black residents. In an analysis done by the Baltimore Urban Renewal and Housing Agency in 1965, we gain critical insight about the housing problems confronting black Baltimoreans in the 1960's. The first observation is that 56% of all black rental units in Baltimore City were classified as “substandard” and “deficient”, compared to 22% of all white residents whose rental units held the same classification. More than 50% of all black rental units were structurally falling apart, many lacked adequate pluming, and were in need of major repairs. Some of the units were described as being“in such poor condition it endangered the health, safety, or well-begin of the occupants” (Select Housing and Household Characteristics of the White and Nonwhite Population. 8). These apartments were not fit for anyone to live in, much less anyone living in a vibrant American city. But these conditions would serve as another grievance between Baltimore's black community and those in positions of power.

Another observation made by BURHA about the condition of black housing in Baltimore was, that blacks made up “99.1 percent of all nonwhites in Baltimore City” (Housing Market Analysis for Baltimore Community Renewal. 1). The fact that blacks were the largest nonwhite group in Baltimore leading up to the riots, helps explain why “97%” of those arrested during the riots were black (Report on Baltimore Civil Disorders. 20). Unlike the riots Baltimore had in the 1800's over political and workers issues, where immigrants and citizens fought together against oppressive political and social systems (The Baltimore Book: New Views of Local History. 2). The rioters in 1968 were primarily black, and one of major issues impacting this population was housing. Much like the rioters that came before them, blacks in 1968 were felt oppressed and frustrated with their place in society. The housing problems in Baltimore city would lead became another reason to why revolt was necessary.

My final observation of the BURHA analysis is that 24% of all black renters homes were considered overcrowded, compared to 9.4% of all white renters in Baltimore city (Select Housing and Household Characteristics of the White and Nonwhite Population. 9). On their own these number do not constitute a crisis, but when we consider that blacks only constituted roughly 30% of Baltimore's population the challenges becomes clearer (Select Housing and Household Characteristics of the White and Nonwhite Population. 16). Restricting 300,000 people to a small amounts of space is never a good idea. Restricting 300,000 people to housing that is deteriorating, and expecting them to be satisfied is not a good strategy for urban housing. The housing options for black residents in Baltimore was a constant reminder of their position in society. Not only were their needs ignored. But the possibility of them being accepted as Americans, seemed less likely to happen in their generation. During the riots the frustration would be expressed through destruction, but no longer could these citizens be ignored.

(All images used courtesy of Langsdale Library Special Collection)

Busy

So this week was another busy week for me, but I did finally get the book The Origins of Urban Crisis. I must say from what I have read so far I might enjoy reading it if I had more time. I also got a bunch of other books about race riots and urban crisis, which should help me get my blog together.



By the way here is another great image from the Langsdale Library Special Collection. I wonder what type of conversation they were having?

A Melting Pot of Ideas

My two goals for this week are to finalize my sources, and begin to write a draft of my paper. If I don't do this now I fear that time will just pass me by, so I need to get serious.

Thankfully, I found two really interesting articles about Baltimore, which really shows the range of ideologies that were moving through the Black community during the 1960’s. One article was the transcript of a commencement speech Martin Luther King Jr. made at Morgan State University, and the other was a speech H. Rap Brown made in Cambridge, Maryland. Both men shared the vision of racial equality, and freedom for all. But one man believed in non-violence, and the other believed violence and destruction could be used as a tool. Which man was correct?



BTW I also found this picture, and it really struck a chord with me. I honestly couldn’t stop looking at it. (Image taken from Langsdale Library Special Collections)

Restless @ 5:00am

As you can tell by my title it's 5:00am, and I can't sleep. Mostly because I'm sick, but I have a blog post due tonight and I might as well get something productive done. After class on Monday Professor Singer recommended a book by Thomas Sugrue “The Origins of the Urban Crisis”, which he thought would be helpful in giving me background on the factors that contributed to the riots. While the book deals primarily with Detroit, I believe there are elements from Detroit's urban crisis that are very similar to those that Baltimore experienced. My research thus far has confirmed this thesis: Baltimore's riots were more than just citizens being irresponsible. I believe Baltimore's riots were a dramatic expression of the frustration, and fears of this cities black community.

Honestly, my only goals this week are simple get over this cold, and get a copy of Segrues book.

Research Proposal

The event I will be focusing on is the 1968 Civil Disturbance in Baltimore. When Lyndon Johnson took office, he followed in the steps of JFK by rolling out a plan to bridge the gap between Americans and revitalize urban communities. Johnson recognized that the country he was elected to lead, was being pulled in different directions. One America for whites, and another for blacks. Johnson rolled out an ambitious plan to bring both sides together, and to create an America where everyone had a chance to succeed.

Meanwhile, in Baltimore unemployment and infant mortality in the black community was at an all time high. White Baltimore city residents moved westward towards the suburbs, and blacks were restricted to urban areas due to public policies that encouraged “racial zoning” and racial covenants. President Johnsons fears and worst nightmares, were a reality for blacks living in Baltimore city. These problems had been brewing since the turn of the century, and while blacks and whites worked together remove the unfair legacy that Jim Crow laws left. The tension in Baltimore was escalating, and it wouldn't take much tear the fragile peace apart. Many people credit the cause of the 68 riots as the assignation of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr, but my research project will show the social, economical, and political climate of Baltimore and the nation set the tone for an uprising of the Baltimores black community.

So much information

So I'm trying to narrow the focus of my project, since a paper about the 68 riots could turn into a doctoral thesis. And I'm finding a wealth of information about the political and racial climate prior to the riots of the 60's, and a lot of great information about the Kerner Commissions findings. Its believe by some that the Kerner Commission outlined huge rift between black Americans and white Americans. And as a result of those rifts the country was inevitably going to have civil disturbances, and unless remedied would prove disastrous for the country. Now those ideas can be debated, but my research so far is showing that much of the problems other cities faced Baltimore was also dealing with. So the fact that there was a riot here, should not have surprised anyone.

I think it would be wise to write my paper proposal while these ideas are fresh.

My First Blog...ever!!!!!!!!!

This is my first blog ever, and I guess this is as good a time to start blogging as any. Our assignment is to write a research paper, and chronicle our findings and research process in a blog (which I must say is a very interesting, and great use of technology).

The explanation of the assignment was somewhat confusing, but I'm excited about my topic.

I've decided to focus on the 68 Riots, I'm not sure what particular aspect I'm going to focus on but I guess I'll figure that out in the next few days.

I kinda like this blogging thing.

I'm blogging as Professor Singer is explaining how to embed images into the blog, maybe I'll do this in every class while the ideas are fresh.

Well thats all for today.